注释,注释: The article provides a brief analysis of the history of development and the current state of the Russian-Turkish partnership within the framework of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization, which can be considered a functional area of cooperation that uses the convergence of the countries of the region by creating cooperation on various issues, such as the production of energy from underground resources of strategic importance for the region, agricultural production and tourism. In addition to this, the Black Sea Economic Organization is of notable importance in terms of sustaining stability in the region due to addressing the growing security concerns in the Black Sea region. The concept of a global security threat changed shape with the end of the Cold War. This led to a change in the view of international organizations on defense and allowed a focus on increasing the level of stability through the global policy of cooperation organizations created for security and economic purposes. The article also describes the measures and results of the two countries to ensure the fuel and energy balance in the Black Sea region, steps to reduce political tension associated with Turkey's participation in a strategic partnership with the EU countries, key projects in the fuel and energy sector. It should be noted that the identity of the historical destinies of Russia and Turkey, their historical and cultural role of the "East" in the West and "West" in the East, the unique geopolitical position, geographical proximity contribute to the strengthening of economic, political, cultural ties between Russia and Turkey.

关键词: NATO, Russia, Turkey, Black Sea region, fuel energy cooperation, strategic partnership, Russian-Turkish relations, BSEC, Black Sea, agreement

注释,注释: The scale of the global COVID-19 pandemic is unprecedented. The COVID-19 vaccines have not only become an indispensable weapon for countering the pandemic, but also are the attribute of technological and scientific prestige of the countries that developed the vaccines. Although the term "vaccine diplomacy" is not new, it may have become much more relevant during the global pandemic. The goal of this research lies in the analysis of vaccine diplomacy of China, the European Union, and the Russia Federation with regards to the Republic of Serbia during the global COVID-19 pandemic. Description is given to the Serbia's participation in the own vaccine diplomacy on the global scale. The novelty of this research consists in comparative analysis of the efforts of "vaccine diplomacy" of the EU, China, and Russia towards Serbia. The research provides the latest results of the survey on the topic of Serbian citizens and their perceptions of foreign aid received during the COVID-19 pandemic. The conclusion is made that medical aid rendered by China and Russia to Serbia was well received by the Serbian government, government-aligned mass media, and society. However, the financial and medical aid provided by the European Union was neither significantly advertised by the media, nor changed the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. At the same time, the Serbian government has engaged in the own vaccine diplomacy in order to strengthen ties with the former allies of Yugoslavia from the Non-Aligned Movement.

关键词: Euroscepticism, Балканы, European Union, China, Russia, Serbia, global pandemic, Coronavirus, vaccine diplomacy, mask diplomacy

注释,注释: This article analyzes the establishment of mutually beneficial model of the dialogue between Russia and Japan in the context of implementation of new negotiation tactics on the bilateral level in the late XX century. Particular attention is given namely to the tactics that are considered as the basis for the formation of partnership between the countries since the end of the 1980s. Intensification of the dialogue between Russia and Japan in the 1990s contributed to alignment of the parties in seeking the grounds for the development of mutually advantageous relations. The application of the instruments of face-to-face negotiations and informal meetings can be viewed as an indicator of alignment of the parties, a desire to propel the bilateral cooperation to a fundamentally new level, which is proven by the provisions of the “Moscow Declaration on the establishment of a constructive partnership between the Russian Federation and Japan” of 1998, which has become the framework for collaborative actions in the new century. The article discusses the most common tactics and methods applied in the negotiations between Russia and Japan, although its it not an exhaustive list of all possible techniques. The scientific novelty consists in systematization and description of the tactics of Japan’s diplomacy that were practically implemented in Russian in the 1990s and remain relevant to the present day. Personal contribution of the politicians and diplomats into creation of the foundation for multidimensional cooperation between Russia and Japan was of crucial importance. Analysis is conducted on the activity of Japanese diplomats Tamba Minoru, Edamura Sumio, Togo Kazuhiko, as well as politicians Nakayama Taro, Hashimoto Ryutaro, Obuchi Keizo, and Mori Yoshiro, who played the role of the political architects in Tokyo with regards to Russia. The works published by them are a valuable source for the analysis of the events under review.

关键词: face to face diplomacy, Tamba Minoru, Togo Kazuhiko, Edamura Sumio, leaders talks, ‘no-necktie meetings’, MOFA ‘Russian school’, Russian-Japanese negotiations, informal negotiations, Japan’s diplomacy

注释,注释: The COVID-19 pandemic and coronacrisis have clearly exposed the strong dependence of modern companies on the approaches towards data management, stability of information networks and digitalization, as well as significantly strengthened the assertion of the Europeans in the need to achieve strategic autonomy with regards to development of the own digital solutions. The article aims to determine the place of the European Union in the international information and communication space in the context of global data management policy. Research methodology leans on the principles of the multi-paradigm method used for extrapolating some provisions of Robert Gilpin’s hegemonic stability theory on the modern technological competition among the countries on the international arena within the framework of regional approach. The article examines the term “information sovereignty” based on the principles of international law in a constantly changing international environment. The research addresses such documents as “New Industrial Strategy for Europe”, “European Data Strategy”, and the decision of the European Court of Justice concerning the Transatlantic Privacy Shield Agreement. As an example of the European digital policy, the author examines the ambitious GAIA-X project intended to create an open digital ecosystem and develop common requirements for the European data infrastructure. The article formulates the recommendations aimed at ensuring effective management in the digital sector, and offers the model of multilateral participation, which would allow reaching information sovereignty based on the European values and ideals.

关键词: information sovereignty, digital sovereignty, data sovereignty, European Union, information security, digitalization, digital geopolitics, global governance, digital transformation, personal data

注释,注释: This article examines the current role and mechanisms of international organizations in assessment of the quality of global governance. The subject of this research is the assessment and indicators of state participation in the development and implementation of transnational governance. The goal lies in the analysis of the concept of governance through the prism of the Fukuyama-Manning theory. Globalization is viewed in the economic and political dimension to determine the need for creating the transnational administrative framework. The results of global governance in the form of assessment and indicators of the quality of state administration are explored in the context of correlations between the production and demand of political indicators, their nature and practical advantages. The author analyzes the existing hypothesis on the role of international organizations within the system of global governance to outline the prospects for transnational governance. The detailed theoretical and practical approach towards assessment and metrics of state administration is realized via qualitative analysis for determining the prospects for the standardized system. In conclusion, the author emphasizes the equal importance of governance, globalization, and state policy for achieving the functional structure of global governance. This article represents the conceptual framework for the study and development of the systems for evaluation of the government performance to ensure successful intergovernmental cooperation in the globalization era.

关键词: Government Performance, Public Policy, Transnational Administration, Metrics of Government, Global Governance, International Organizations, Globalization, Political Dimension, Multidimensional Actors, Global processes

注释,注释: It is difficult to assess the processes of democratization and reconciliation in post-conflict societies. The factors that affect reconciliation are yet to be fully determine in the academic literature. It is also unclear to what extent each element may promote or obstruct the reconciliation process. The author explores the interrelation and interdependence of the concepts of democratization and reconciliation on the example of the post-conflict region of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and focuses on the impact of international criminal justice upon the processes of democratization and reconciliation. The article covers the current political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as assesses the performance of the institutions of international justice, such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. The author believes that the literature missed so factors that may contribute to reconciliation. An assumption is made that released prisoners may influence the reconciliation process, and this should be viewed as a separate and crucial sub-factor of the consequences of international criminal justice. The author recommends to use all available information and carry out quantitative research in the affected region, assessing public opinion with application of a more nuanced approach towards differentiation of the aspects of international criminal justice. Analysis is conducted on the limited impact of international justice upon the reconciliation process. A hypothesis is advances on interrelation between the aforementioned sub-factor and the processes of reconciliation and democratization.

关键词: Transitional justice, Post-conflict regions, International Criminal Justice, ICTY, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Reconciliation, Democratisation, Early releases, Retributive justice, former Yugoslavia

注释,注释: This article explores the promising role of modern international organizations in the production of knowledge applicable to the context of globalization and global governance, as well as the required framework and mechanisms. The subject of this research is the mechanisms of international organizations, namely OECD, in the production of knowledge used within the system of global governance. The goal lies in the overview of worldwide demand for knowledge in the context of Dolowitz-Marsh approach for assessing the prospects for the knowledge offered. The capabilities of OECD as the central standardized think tank, combined with the role of NGOs within the system of global governance, allows activating bilateral relations and transnational governance. The author analyzes the existing hypothesis about on capability of the international organizations to produce knowledge in the era of globalization; as well as examines the mechanisms of OECD and other NGOs for to outlining new horizons and actions with regards to providing a wide range of government institutions with the effective instruments. Thus, nationalization of the results of the policy indicates a comprehensive internal analysis based on the international standards that reduce the role of political interference in the outcome. The role of international organizations in the production of knowledge opens new horizons for the country to broader interaction between all interested parties based on the results of activity, simultaneously ensuring standardized interaction and practice on a bilateral basis. The article describes the capabilities of centralized, results-driven production of knowledge, as well as the prospects for extensive international cooperation and accountability of the governments.

关键词: Transnational Administration, Global Governance, NGO, OECD, Production of Knowledge, International Organizations, Government Performance, Globalization, Performance-oriented, Government Accountability

注释,注释: This article analyzes the political cooperation between Thailand and Russia over the period from 2014 to the present. The concepts of national interest, balance of powers, and neoliberalism are used as the analytical frameworks. The current bilateral cooperation is characterized by positive dynamics in the political sphere as it appears from the visits of the heads of government since 2015. These visits led to the advancement of all-round cooperation for both countries. However, the political ties have not yet reached the optimal level, and mutual cooperation between the two countries faces certain challenges. The main conclusion lies in determination of the issues in relationship between the countries: 1) political instability in Thailand affects the cooperation; some changes that took place in the Thai government between 2006 and 2014, as well as internal problems entailed by the coup d'etat, influenced its foreign policy. The author indicates that the key factors that affect Russia-Thailand relations are the political and diplomatic mechanisms. High-level visits and bilateral discussions contribute to strengthening of ties between the two countries. However, for further development of the relations, Thailand must resolve its domestic issues.

关键词: Coup d’état, Great Powers, Political Instability, Political Cooperation, Russia, Thailand, The United States, China, Problems, Visits

注释,注释: Rapid technological changes that take place in recent years affect all aspects of life. The emergence and popularization of the Internet is one of the examples of how people get access to political information and news. Previous research were focused on examination of the impact of media upon the audience, or people’s distrust to new media. The online quantitative study that involved 199 respondents from Ghana and Nigeria revealed that many people read political news online, or sometimes listen to the radio in these two regions. Print media received the lowest rating, as people’s interest in it declines. The conclusion is made that the population of Ghana and Nigeria tend to read new media for political news compared to mainstream media. Therefore, mainstream media should invest adequate resources to improve their online presence and the quality of their news content. It is indicated that new media is currently the number one tool worldwide of enticing people to protest against government policies that they believe would have negative consequences for their lives. It is shocking that the majority of respondents claimed that they watch political news on TV, compared to minority who listen to radio. The authors’ special contribution lies in determination of the most frequently used means of political communication among the residents of West African countries.

关键词: political communication, journalism, misinformation, West Africa, political news, mainstream media, media, TikTOk, Uses and gratification, print media

注释,注释: This examines promising directions in Sino-Russian cooperation as a deterrent factor of multidimensional confrontation in the G2 format. The subject of this research is modern and advanced mechanisms of cooperation of geostrategic importance between the two countries, adapted to the global requirements. The goal of this work consists in the review of the common pursuit of the nations for more equal distribution of global power in the aftermath of American hegemony as a result of global trade. The emergence of new regional actors and their ability to operate on the global level and beyond the ideological constraints is analyzed through the United States-China relations, promising trade agreements of China with the European Union and Russia. The author considers the existing hypothesis on the prospects of concentration of regional power and emergence of new actors. The modern forecasts regarding the future of Sino-Russian cooperation are compared with geostrategic approach on the basis of the national interest and sovereignty of the countries in the absence of sound ideology for the purpose of conceptualization of future scenarios and mechanisms for prevention and settlement of conflicts. In conclusion, the author underlines the common pursuit of Sino-Russian cooperation for achieving the objectives of geostrategic nature, which constitutes the dynamic foundation for more equal distribution of world power. This article provides an actual approach towards future globalization scenarios, which would assist to prevent and resolve the conflicts using innovative models of international cooperation in the globalized region.

关键词: International Cooperation, Conflict, Globalization, European Union, United States, China, Russia, G2 Format, Geostrategic Policies, Regional Actors

注释,注释: This article empirically examines the competition of the world’s counties for the establishment of their diplomatic relations with non-state actor. It is underlined that the government of the Kurdistan region, which has used “soft power” to draw attention of the states. Among other tools, hydrocarbons (oil and gas) placed the main soft power policy of the Kurdistan government for its global movement. It is proven that the economic and hydrocarbon ambitions have led states to overpass their traditional understanding of global diplomacy; and this further inspires some of the previously antagonistic states to reshape their relations with non-state actor towards considering a close partner. The drawn conclusions correlated with the idea that the Kurdistan government would be more actively involved in the global diplomacy due to its oil and gas wealth.

关键词: KRG, Gas, oil, Non-state actor, Kurdistan Region of Iraq, Hydrocarbon, Diplomacy, Soft power, economic ambitions, independent

注释,注释: The article is devoted to an urgent problem of our time - the integration of Canadian energy markets into the energy markets of the Asia-Pacific region. Canada's economy is currently the 16th largest in the world in terms of GDP and is heavily dependent on international trade, whose prosperity is inextricably linked to external markets and the ability to access those markets. In turn, China, Japan, and South Korea are the world's largest importers of crude oil and liquefied natural gas. The study considers not only the reasons for the need of Canada's energy markets to enter the Asia-Pacific region, but also analyzes the dependence of the Canadian economy on the economy of the United States of America. The main conclusions of the study consist in outlining the ways of integrating the energy markets of Canada and the Asia-Pacific countries. The built economic model of interaction should not only exist within the framework of the created legal acts but also should determine the importance of the formation of this economic institution for subsequent development. This work is of particular relevance due to the fact that joint development within the economic area creates a stable relationship, which can later be used for external use, within the framework of building a new type of economic model. Thus, the information acquires statistical value and can be used in further research. The author believes that the goal of this research is achieved by considering the economic cooperation of Canada with the Asia-Pacific countries in the energy sector.

关键词: energetics, ATR, Canada, the US economy, energy cooperation, energy markets, Asia-Pacific region, integration, international relationships, USA

注释,注释: This article presents a theoretical approach towards the global political steps of non-state actors. Particular attention is given to a number of theories of international relations, such as neorealism, international liberalism, and constructivism, which are able to encompass current global actions of non-state political actors. For a clearer perspective on the subject matter, the article employs the example of Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI); as a non-state actor, KRI has recently become a vivid example for the theories of international relations. The conclusion is made that security, economy, culture, religion and identity are the key and post powerful instruments of non-state actors of international politics. The example of KRI demonstrates that international relations of non-state actors focus on security, economy and culture, as well as serve as the instruments of interaction with both, state and non-state actors. The article reviews such activity within the framework of neorealism, international liberalism, and constructivism. It is underlines that the example of Iraqi Kurdistan (KRI) fully meets all the criteria of a non-state actor of international politics. It is also a brilliant example for the theories of international relations.

关键词: Identity, terrorism, Constructivism, Liberalism, Neorealism, Non-State actor, Kurdistan Region of Iraq, culture, globalization, Marketing

注释,注释: The article explores the formation of new environmental culture that promotes positive spiritual transformation of a person. The analysis of Chinese environmental culture demonstrates that in the center of environmental-ethical system of Confucianism is the social man, successor of the environmentally ethical behavior. China’s future is impossible without sustainable development of the society, where positive environmental imperatives play a substantial role. The paper describes the role of the Chinese leadership in formation of the new radical and global policy that imposes new demands upon social thinking, problems of environmental development of society, and new environmental strategy. The acquired results and data indicate that the problem of overcoming environmental crisis can be resolved through the formation of environmental culture, since it absorbs all material and spiritual values created by man in the process of socio-natural interactions.

关键词: ecological traditions, ecological unity, socio-natural interaction, ecological imperative, ecological culture, environmental development, ecological principles, Confucianism, eco-ethical system, ecological crisis

注释,注释: The key research focus of the article is the emergence and further development of multipolarity concept in International Relations academic discourse in the United States, Western Europe, Russia and China. Initially the term was rooted in Western IR school and was elaborated as an attempt to counter-balance USSR in the context of bipolar world. The article also covers the modern practice of using multipolarity discourse in Western international political science. Particular attention is paid to the formation of the concept of multipolarity in the Russian Federation and in the PRC in the post-bipolar world. Academic discourse of multipolarity is presented in close link to the practical dimension of the foreign policy concepts of the countries mentioned in the study. The re-emergence of multipolarity was closely associated with changes in the balance of power and an attempt to overestimate the role of superpowers in the world. The consistent development of the theoretical basis of the concept was carried out until the end of the Cold War in the framework of the Western school of IR. In Russian and Chinese studies, multipolarity mostly acts as an image of the desired world order. In recent years, a number of Western scholars have recognized the objective nature of a multipolar world and the need for strategic adaptation to its realities.

关键词: balance of power, China, Russia, theory of international relations, world systems, bipolar world, multipolarity, international studies, hegemonism, international stability

注释,注释: Whenever any state’s sovereignty is threatened, its first instinct is to protect itself. In 2015, the European Union was in the limelight, recording unprecedented numbers of migrants and as a result, refugee camps deteriorated to deplorable conditions. Illegal migration is perceived as a security threat in Europe; states were forced to take measures that compromise the very foundation of the European Union. Their politics suddenly became fuelled with anti-immigration sentiments, anti-immigration operations and agreements between the EU and migrants’ countries of origin were drafted and signed, tougher border security policies were put in place, such as erection of fences. All these measures resulted in the number of illegal migrations to fall to their lowest levels in 2019. This article will analyze Europe Union’s foreign policy on illegal migration between 2015 and 2019 while highlighting the extreme measures that some states within the EU took to mitigate migration. In doing so, it will highlight the moral dilemma posed by many Human Rights Organizations, putting into question Europe’s moral compass that it is known for. A conclusion is made that in matters of security, states are willing to take a moral background in order to safeguard its security and position in the global system.

关键词: walls and fences, border control, policies, internal and external security, moral dilemma, illegal migration, sea patrol, refugees, Europe, European Union

注释,注释: The aim of this research is to determine the degree of influence of the Progress Party (Norway) and the Danish People’s Party upon their national governments’ policies towards Russia. The Progress Party was a member of Norway’s government coalition from 2013 to 2020, while the Danish People’s Party provided support for Danish coalition governments from 2015 to 2019. The analysis of the parties’ origins, ideologies, political programs and policies more accurately explain their stances on Russia, as well as determine the levels of their political will to be involved in influencing governmental policies towards it. Methodology applied in this research consists of content analysis, which was used in the research of the official documents of the Progress Party and the Danish People’s Party; comparative analysis, which was used in the analysis of political programs of both parties, as well as various election results and other relevant data. It can be concluded that both parties have insignificant influence upon their respective governments and state policies towards the Russian Federation. Additionally, both have expressed lack of political interest for establishing Russia as the focal point in their foreign policy programs. By being neither Russophilic nor Russophobic in nature, their presence in the government was not a cause for either degradation or improvement of relations with Russia.

关键词: Nordic countries, right-wing populism, Russia, Denmark, Norway, Danish People’s Party, Progress Party, Arctic, Barents Sea, Baltic Sea

注释,注释: The article discusses the problems associated with the search for effective models and strategies of State-building for post-crisis societies. As is well known, the international community supports the processes of democratic transformation in various countries, as well as provides assistance in resolving conflicts. It is assumed that the efforts of such international assistance should result in a stable State. However, the history of the late XX early XXI centuries showed that the use of a democratic (Western) model for non-Western cultural context does not guarantee successful state-building. The phenomena of the 'failed state' and the 'fragile state' have become widely known. The paper proposes some theoretical approaches to be taken into account when choosing a model of State for post-crisis societies in order to avoid the risks of statehood failure. The author analyzes the successful Russian experience in the late 1990’s – early 2000’s of implementing 'tailor-made' models of State at the regional level, taking into account the diversity of the political, cultural, and socio-economical context of post-crisis societies. The higher efficiency of specialized models in comparison with universal models is demonstrated.

关键词: Social cohesion, Fragile State, Failed State, Post-crisis society, Model of State, State-building, Regional authority, Russia, Tatarstan, Dagestan

注释,注释: The foreign policy of Nigeria has indisputably proven some homogeneity with the concept of Afrocentrism. Facts have shown that the country’s foreign policy has been very consistent in considering Africa as a centerpiece in spite of successive administrations and the varied systems of government it has experienced. The author outlines the principles and objectives embedded in the policy from the time of the first Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa who ruled since 1960, when Nigeria gained independence from the United Kingdom, to the present administration of President Muhammadu Buhari, due to the country’s committment in contributing to Africa’s development. In this accord, Nigeria has clung to the strong holds of self-determination and self-government relationship with other countries, both regional and sub-regional. Having adopted the policy of non-alignment, Nigeria has stood in resistance to the external influence while maintaining diplomatic relations with them and concentrated on the integration of African countries. At the period of the country’s shift from Afrocentrism as core to its foreign policy to the direction of “Citizen Diplomacy” then to investment and economic co-operation, Nigeria never lost focus on African unity, economic diplomacy and decolonization of neighboring states. The present article reveals the details of Nigerian foreign policy, its influence on the country itself and Africa as a whole.

关键词: Nigeria's leadership, peacekeeping, contribution, diplomatic relations, Africa, centerpiece, Afrocentrism, Nigeria, foreign policy, neighboring countries

注释,注释: Traditionally, the relationship between Nigeria and Western countries is rooted in their long-standing economic ties, political and other common values its people share, coupled with Nigerians in the Diaspora and western businesses established in Nigeria. Since its independence in 1960, the African giant has strategically made contacts with many international organizations to help maximize its foreign policy potentials. Nigerian foreign policy gives much credence to the European Union as a strategic partner and an opportunity for her to capitalize and define a feasible cooperation policy framework for its cooperation with Europe, based on values and interests that unite Nigeria and members of the European Union. It seeks to analyze how such foreign policy manifest into Nigeria's potentials in trade cooperation and development at large.

关键词: Diplomatic dialogue, Bilateral, Agreement, Cooperation, Africa, European Union, Nigeria, Foreign policy, Multilateral, Development

注释,注释: Since the moment of its establishment, the United Nations (UN) acted as a guarantor of peace and stability in the world. According to the UN Charter, the member-states are obliged to contribute to the collective security mechanisms, adopted by the organization as the means for maintaining global peace and security. This article examines the place of peacemaking in foreign policy of the Republic of Ghana, as well as analyzes the experience in peacemaking activities. The subject of this research is the conflict resolution between the countries through diplomacy. The author considers Ghana’s experience in peacemaking activities, as well as the importance and problem of peacemaking in its foreign policy. Special attention is given to Ghana’s contribution to provision of military and civilian personnel with the UN peacemaking operations. In the course of this research it is demonstrated hoe the smaller players such as Ghana applied the method of soft power for achieving some of their foreign policy goals. The peacekeeping operations in Ghana are sponsored by the United Nations.

关键词: Ghanaian foreign policy, Ghana, Ghana Arm Forces, Peacekeeping in Congo, Soft Power, Security, Conflict Resolution, Diplomacy, United Nations Peacekeeping, United Nations

注释,注释: The subject of this research the transformation of party system of the Russian State due to emergence of the dominant party – “United Russia”. Special attention is given to such aspects of the topic as changes in the electoral and party legislation, as well as the correlation of political forces at the level of representative bodies as a result of the rapidly increased influence of the “party of power” and its enhancing control over the system of public administration. The author focuses on the assessment of V. V. Putin's consolidating role in unification of the largest sociopolitical organizations of centrist orientation. The study carries a historical-political character, as well as leans on the interdisciplinary approach towards analyzing the phenomena and processes in political life of the Russian State of the early XXI century. The scientific novelty lies in the author's attempt to determine and describe the factors that substantiated the long-term dominance of the “party of power” within the Russian state political system throughout the first decade of the XXI century. The dominant position of the “United Russia” is associated not as much with the traditional to Russia use of administrative resource, but the peculiarities of political culture of the society, characterized by a relatively high level of preferences in favor of the ruling elite.

关键词: multi-party, deputy, electorate, politics, elections, president, power, party, law, opposition

注释,注释: The subject of this research is the analysis of the key factors affecting the formation of foreign policy of Iran in the Middle East in the context of their solution to the problem of regulation of Iran’s nuclear program and application of sanctions. Special attention is given to the examination of the threats to Iran’s security and regional stability in the situation following the relaxation of sanctions and settlement of the Syrian conflict. The author explores the key components of the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East region, as well as with regards to the allied states. The article underlines that after the talks on the Iran’s Nuclear Agreement that took place between Iran and P5+1, as well as signing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (2015), Iran did not changed their regional strategy. Author’s special contribution into the research of this topic lies in the fact that despite some short-term consequences, which unfolded in the region following the conclusion of the JCPOA, this agreement is still not a decisive factor that defines the vector of regional transformations. In the long-term perspective, the situation in the Middle East and Iran’s role therein will be determined by both, the domestic conditions and regional trends, as well as the factor of international involvement into the regional process.

关键词: security, strategy, sanctions, JCPOA, Syrian crises, Middle East, foreign policy, Iran, regional threats, international relations

注释,注释:   The rapid modernization of Kazakhstani society at the turn of the XX and XXI centuries became the cause for the unique “religious renaissance”. However, the spiritual resurgence emphasized the issues that Kazakhstan had not faced before. The article examines the peculiarities of the resurgence of religiosity in the Republic of Kazakhstan during the period of 1990-2000’s , attempts to analyze the reasons of extensive desecularization, unprecedented increase in the amount of followers of one or another confessions (including the new religious movements), as well as identify the challenges of statehood in this regard. The use of comparative method alongside the empirical and theoretical analysis, allows clarifying relatively to the phenomenon of high dynamic of the resurgence of religiosity, considering such incidents as the civic religiosity and construction of religiosity. The attention is also given to the problem of impact of the competent government authorities upon the confessions in the context of the declared separation of church and state, as well as measures taken by the government to establish the system of state-confessional relations that is able to counter the current challenges, under the circumstances of growing religiosity of population and broad polycultural field.  

关键词: faith, religious conflicts, religious confessions, state-confessional relations, tolerance, resurgence of religiosity, desecularization, Kazakhstan, interconfessional relations, interfaith dialogue

注释,注释: The subject of this article is the problematic role of historical memory in the formation of Russian national identity. The author examines in detail the phenomenon of historical memory, distinguishing its social kinds (individual, collective, and cultural memory) and discursive forms (living, objectified, and organized memory). Using the material of survey of Don students (in comparison with the data of similar surveys conducted by Public Opinion Foundation and the Levada Center), the author analyzes the students' evaluation of the key and controversial events of the Soviet past, such as the October Revolution, industrialization and collectivization, collapse of the Soviet Union, and others. Moreover, the article discusses the role of the aforementioned evaluations with regards to students’ attitude to the «Crimean Spring» and the unrecognized Donbass republics. The theoretical-methodological basis of this research lies is the constructivist concept of historical memory developed in Russian and foreign science. The empirical basis is provided by the results of survey conducted in 2014-2016 by the research organization of Southern Federal University and Southern Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences within the framework of academic project dedicated to examination of far-right ideologemes in the consciousness of student youth of Rostov Region. The scientific novelty of this study implies the systematization of various types and forms of historical memory. The author constructively applies the difference between the «cold» and «hot» strategies of historical memory in order to assess the politics of memory in post-Soviet Russia. In this regard, the author criticizes the postmodern absolutization of the myth in the construction of national memory, as well as indicates the need for implementing the strategy for “processing the difficult past”. The article provides new arguments favoring the thesis that the Russian society (including student youth) has a request for a stronger rehabilitation of the Soviet period of Russian history than the current official politics of memory. The materials and results of this research can be valuable for optimization of the indicated politics.

关键词: processing of difficult past, cold strategy, hot strategy, politics of memory, cultural memory, live memory, historical memory, Soviet past, Bolshevik leaders, Crimean Spring

注释,注释: The subject of this research is the social tension and protest activity as a factor of political risk in work of the “United Russia” political party. The article provides various interpretations and characteristics of the term “social tension”. Special attention is given to the events that took place in Russia over the recent 2-3 years and significantly affected the escalation of social tension and protest activity in the country, as well as the regions (annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol, sanctions against Russia, implementation of “Plato” system, etc.). The author also examines the socioeconomic situation in Zabaykalsky Krai (late salary payment, unemployment, inflation, and others) as a factor of political risk in the work of regional branch of the “United Russia” party. The conducted analysis allows concluding that among the substantial consequences of economic crisis and dissatisfaction of population with actions of the authorities lies in the rating downgrade of the “United Russia” political party, escalation of protest moods and social tension, changes in electoral behavior. According to the results of the research, Zabaykalsky Krai has a much broader potential for the protest activity, if compared to the nationwide. The currently established socioeconomic situation in Russia and Zabaykalsky Krai is one of the factors of political risk in work of the “United Russia” political party and its regional branch.

关键词: United Russia, late salary payment, economic crisis, political protest, electoral behavior, protest activities, social strain, political parties, political risks, Zabaykalsky Krai

注释,注释: The paper analyses one of the hot topics of the constitutional debate in Europe, that is democratic backslidings in some new EU members States. This is a problem not fully studied by Russian political science and legal doctrine. Although many works in the international literature have been devoted to this subject, a general analysis of the political and constitutional causes of this regression is lacking. The innovative features of the article includes: an outline of the characteristics of the transition to democracy in the Central and Eastern Europe;the European Union ‘rule of law’ mechanisms and their failure, comprised the failure of the system of democratic conditionality; the cultural and constitutional framework of the new EU member states, including some defects in their constitutional engineering. The author uses the legal comparative method, which comprises also a historical approach with many political implications.

关键词: constitutional framework, democratic institutions, law enforcement, political culture, democratic norms, legal doctrines, European Union, Eastern Europe, Constitutional debate, constitutional engineering

注释,注释: This article analyzes the issues pertaining to participation of citizens in the work of the civil institution. Attention is given to the level of demand for various social formations among citizens, as well as motivation of people’s participation in them. A special attention is allocated to the prospects of development of various models of civil society in Russia and issues of formation of middle class, called to become the social foundation of the civil society. The statistical data on the state of the civil society in Russia testifies to the loss of influence of the formalized structures of civil society upon the citizens. This trend is further aggravated by the state’s imposition of the so-called pseudo structures of civil society, which introduce typical bureaucratic flaws of the state apparatus. There are additional independent problems in form of uncontrollability and irresponsibility that also arise. The author proposes original legal approaches towards solution of the issues of debureaucratization of the civil society and development of promising and demanded vectors of its development in Russia, which include volunteering, philanthropy, and work of socially-oriented nonprofit organizations (NPOs). Author’s separate proposals and assessments pertain to the role and importance of the informal manifestations of civil society.

关键词: organizations, nonprofit, activity, social, society, civil, prospects, development, problems, Russia

注释,注释: The object of this research is the political process of modern Russia. The subject of this research is the key issues of the political process in modern Russia and the management techniques for the purpose of its institutionalization. The subject is being explored not only from political and sociological perspectives, but a special attention is also given to the philosophical component of this issue. The author determines the key issues of the modern Russian political process and its trends. The work includes results of the latest scientific research in this field and offers various positions of specialists in this area. The author highlights the factors that affect the efficiency of institutionalization. As the basis for ensuring decrease in transaction costs of the institutionalization process, the author proposes a mechanism for inclusion of potential of the indirect political actors into the system of government administration.

关键词: political administration, democratic transition, management techniques, government administration, political system, civil society, institutionalization, political process, transitional society, Russian society

注释,注释: This article presents the analysis of Kazakhstan’s role in the weightiest of the international organizations, built upon confessional principle and the principle of unity of Turkic countries. The role of these organizations gains a special significance in the conditions of the new geopolitical realities of the global and regional development. The prospects of development of the Islamic vector of Kazakhstan are being examined in the context of the prospects of its impact upon the Russia-Kazakhstan relations. Unlike other regional development projects of the largest geopolitical players such as China and the United States, the Turkish strategy bases itself on the cultural and historical component, aimed at unification of the Turkic people and preservation of the civilizational unity. The scientific novelty of this research consists in viewing Kazakhstan and Turkey as a new alternative integration core of the Eurasian space. The main result of the research is the substantiation of the needto account not only for the pragmatic economic factors in structuring the strategy of the Russia-Kazakhstan relations, but also the cultural, civilizational, and religious aspects.

关键词: pragmatic economic factors, regional development, international organizations, Islamic factor, Kazakhstan-Turkey relations, Russia-Kazakhstan relations, cultural aspect, integration, identity, foreign factor

注释,注释: This article explores the positions of Russian electoral legislation that regulates candidate registration and electoral list based on electoral signatures. It is noted that as a result of an unsystematic amendments to the electoral legislation that took place in the recent years, this legislation has lost its internal logic. The author thoroughly researches the practice of candidate registration and electoral lists at the regional and municipal elections over the recent years. It is noted that in accordance with the legal position of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the purpose for the candidate registration system and electoral lists is to only allow candidates that have a sufficient support from the electorate. The author compares the norms of the electoral legislation on the mandatory number of signatures for registration and not requiring separate political parties to collect signatures for elections of various levels. The comparison reveals lack of logic in establishment of norms pertaining to the rules of candidate registration and electoral lists. Analysis of the registration process and electoral lists on the regional and municipal levels confirms that the registration system based on signatures does not carry out its constitutionally important function:it leads to exclusion of candidates that have voter support, but at the same time allows candidates that then get low results. The author proposes series of measures for restoration of normal political competition at Russian elections.

关键词: candidate registration, electoral lists, electoral unions, political parties, political competition, electoral law, elections, voter signatures, invalid signatures, electoral commissions

注释,注释: This article focuses on the issue of the attitude of the population of the post-Soviet Russia towards its presidents in the context of the theory of “transitional democracy”. The research on the political development of the nations with the transitional type of democracy, with Russia being regarded as one of them, holds a special place in the world political science. The peculiarities of the public opinion of the forming Russian democracy also did not escape the attention of the foreign sociological research; as a result, on the example of the little-studied surveys of public opinion, conducted by foreign authors, the author reveals their view on how the population treats the office and the persona of the president, and what effect they had upon the development of the country’s political system. This article analyzes the foreign research conducted in cooperation with the Russian institute of sociology (Russian Academy of Science), surveys by Pew Research Center, and others. The main result of the research is the introduction into the scientific use of a number of little-studied foreign researches, which confirm the foreign idea that the transition of democracy in post-Soviet Russia has created a hybrid state (hybrid regime, authoritarian democracy, electoral authoritarianism). In addition to that, the presented opinions and results of the research can be considered in structuring long-term image strategies by the Russian government.

关键词: Transitional democracy, hybrid state, authoritarianism, Vladimir Putin, post-Soviet Russia, president, politics, delegative democracy, strong persona, leader

注释,注释: The article is devoted to the study of historical, socio-cultural and national peculiarities conditioning the priorities and methods of American political science, its investigation paradigms. The major focus in the article is made on characteristic features of American political culture the most significant being the two-party system, the thesis of the exclusiveness of the American way that the nation lives by, the consensus political orientation in domestic life, which rests on the idea of self-reliance, a firm belief of the Americans in their mission of proliferating American values and the ensuing priorities in the international policy of the country. The questions of the Russian political science and prospects for its development are also being discussed. The research is based on methodological principles of the new institutionalism, political comparative study, historical analysis. No other science is so closely linked to actual politics, business and education as American political science, this fact securing its special place in the Western science. The most characteristic feature of this science is its pragmatism used to serve the tasks of political problem-solving and the ensuing bonds between the science and government organizations and funds of business structures. The singularity of the American political science comes from specific geopolitical, historical and cultural conditions. It is this science that has given rise to original theories and paradigms widely used in Europe. They could be useful for the Russian political science as well.

关键词: political awareness, behaviorism, systemic functionalism, liberalism, consensus, two-party system,, political science, pragmatism, self-sufficiency, political culture

注释,注释: This article examines the issues of cyber threats and cyberterrorism. The explanation for this phenomenon is the dynamic information-communication development of the modern society. The article examines the factors that gave rise to cyberterrorism. A special attention is given to the so-called hacktivists – those who commit acts of cyberterrorism without financial gain, but rather to support their political ideas; a number of specific examples of hacktivist activity are being presented. As a result, the governments today are forced to concentrate harder about creation of a cyber-shield to ensure information safety. Among the main conclusions the author substantiates the need to place cyber security as the corner stone of every nation. To ensure information and cyber security and counteract these threads, the author recommends forming cyber forces based on scientific brigades.

关键词: cyberterrorism, cyber threat, cyber forces, hacker attacks, hacktivism, information sovereignty, cyber shield, information security, cyber security, information society

注释,注释: The coming shifts in the regional military balance away from the United States and its allies towards China can lead to a deformation of the American containment policy. The goal of this article, which represents a logical continuation of a number of other works of the author on the problems of regional security in the Asia-Pacific Region, is the analysis of Washington’s main military strategic approaches with regards to the People’s Republic of China and forecast of the development of military political situation upon the mid-term prospects. A number of American experts claim that in an event of a military conflict the United States will have no choice but to dominate the military forces of China and neutralize its ability to restrict and prevent access to separate territories, blocking of certain zones and maneuvers within them (concept A2/AD), using a number of offensive and defensive means, including targeting objects on the territory of China with non-nuclear force. The author comes to the conclusion that American policy-making, headquarters, and expert-analytical structures are conducting a targeted work, aimed at maintaining their influence in the Asia-Pacific region.

关键词: tactical weapons, strategic potential, international security, regional security, Air-Sea Battle, military policy, China, Asia-Pacific region, USA, geopolitics

注释,注释: The subject of this research is the phenomenon of protest public in the context of its effect the establishment of public civic initiatives in Russia. In the modern society, one of the causes for public gathering is protest. It is the correlation between public gathering and protest activity, with emergence of public civic initiatives within it that becomes the object of author’s research. On the example of mass protests in Russia during 2011 and 2012, the author makes an attempt to characterize Russia’s protest public and determine the level of its effect upon the formation of new or support of the old civic initiatives. The methodological base for this work consisted of neo-institutional approach, and systemic analysis of the theoretical sources. Empirical foundation for this research is built on the data from social polling and materials of applied research on the protests of 2011-2012. Emergence of the public allowed realizing the attempt for basic request of solution to pressing issues. Despite the certain level of the diversity in its participants and inconsistency of this public, we can still underline the important result of its actions – civic initiatives that have formed within the protest public, which allowed to partially get around the closed nature of Russia’s political system. The author comes to a conclusion that in the conditions of lack of channels for influencing policy, realization of alternate initiatives that are formulated based on the realistic request of the citizens, rather than the will of the branches of government, remains one of a few mechanisms of public politics within the country.

关键词: Public policy, Civil society, Civic initiatives, Protest public, Democracy, Civic participation, Protests, Policy, State, Values

注释,注释: 作者试图发现为什么亚洲（尽管如此，其经济成功）无法利用其成功。 作者认为，亚洲世纪不会出现在大陆上根深蒂固的分歧，朝鲜半岛的社会政治潮流每天都在强烈地提醒人们，建立这样一个泛亚洲机构是当务之急。 尚未解决的领土问题、零星的反复无常、常规军备、核野心、开发和利用海洋生物群的冲突、包括淡水的获取和供应在内的其他自然资源,正在对亚洲的外部安全、安全和稳定造成巨大压力。 作者肯定，中国在亚洲需要的不是1908年的海军竞赛，而是1975年的赫尔辛基进程。 作为回报，亚洲（来自中国和日本）需要的是东盟化，而不是非洲大陆的巴基斯坦化。 作者指出，东盟可能是巩固外交和社会政治行动的重心，也是未来十年吸引许多亚洲人的地方

关键词: 政治, 经济学, 经济学, 国际, 国际, 亚洲, 亚洲, 中国, 中国, 日本, 日本, 东盟, 东盟, 安抚, 安抚, 整合, 整合, 超国家机构, 超国家机构

注释,注释: 使用比较政治分析使作者能够确定本千年初法国对非洲外交政策的某些趋势。 对法国武装部队进入非洲探险的地理定位的分析证实了一个事实,即每当法国面临对其能源安全的严重威胁时,lys宫殿就在黑暗大陆的主权国家领土内发起维持和平和人道主义干预。 法国国营公司阿海珐(AREVA)的利益受到威胁,该公司专门从事铀矿的回收和提炼工作,随后一直在尼日尔、马里和中非共和国进行特别服务和军事干预。 这项研究的方法学基础包括系统、结构功能、比较历史方法、分析方法、综合方法、观察方法和建模方法。 作者证实了这一观点，即竞争力和非洲铀市场的迅速升级，这些市场的新参与者的出现，首先是中国，促使法国对其前殖民地的政治精英施加各种形式的政治和军事压力（从政治暗杀和煽动忏悔和部落冲突到直接军事入侵）。 得出的结论是，它是法国核电厂的直接依赖，因此整个法国经济，对非洲铀定义了第五共和国的非洲政策的主要载体。

关键词: 干预措施, 干预措施, 铀, 铀, 弗兰çafrique, 弗兰çafrique, 法国, 法国, 中非共和国, 中非共和国, 马里, 马里, 尼日尔, 尼日尔, 非洲, 非洲, 新殖民主义, 新殖民主义, 价值, 价值

注释,注释: 本文探讨了当前中亚区域化进程中的某些问题，作为在新条件下自我识别该区域的手段。 新独立国家之间不同的经济发展起始潜力已经确定了形成政府间关系的战略。 特别注意在有争议领土问题和跨界河流水资源利用问题的背景下分析苏联解体后该地区的政治局势。 在苏联时期划定的国家边界的不公平（中亚国家认为）划分仍然阻碍了地区邻国建立适当的关系。 领土冲突往往导致武装冲突。 水-能源资源是中亚合作的另一个重要因素,经常导致跨界河流上游国家和下游国家在利用水力发电潜力方面的公开对抗。 本文采用因素分析和跨学科方法研究跨界河流水资源利用的区域内冲突。 作者回顾了政府间合作的各种尝试以及阻碍这些进程的原因。 文章揭示了边界，能源和水冲突在区域合作中的负面作用。 研究中亚的转型过程使作者能够确定这些国家的政治和经济发展不平衡，并形成在客观和主观因素的背景下。 一体化联盟之外的区域内合作水平低,导致每个国家在经济和政治上依赖于有影响力的全球行动者。

关键词: 国际组织, 国际组织, 边界冲突, 边界冲突, 区域化, 区域化, 跨界河流问题, 跨界河流问题, 领土, 转型, 领土, 转型, 中亚地区, 中亚地区, 整合, 整合, 利益冲突, 利益冲突, 国际关系。, 国际关系。

注释,注释: 本文研究了在"为了公平选举"的抗议行为之后，俄罗斯联邦内部被动选举权利的转变。 作者强调，这一权利的转变保留了其集中向量，模仿了选举制度的民主化。 对立法和政治实践的分析表明，俄罗斯公民被动选举权利的限制违反了国际法准则和俄罗斯联邦宪法；在政治实践方面，这些限制侵犯了选举权的基本原则，包括政府不参与选举进程和选民平等。 2011-2012年的大规模抗议活动没有产生变化，也没有让公民有机会被选为政府各部门的官员，并且受到额外限制的进一步限制，这些限制在政府的选择性职能 俄罗斯联邦的选举制度继续向联邦总统和最高政府官僚机构的利益方向转变，这导致了反馈系统的崩溃，俄罗斯政治局的退化和被选举权的模仿。

关键词: 代议制民主, 选举, 选举, 委派民主, 委派民主, 总统主义, 总统主义, 威权主义, 集中化, 被动选举权, 威权主义, 权利限制, 集中化, 被动选举权, 宪政主义, 权利限制, 宪政主义, 民主。, 民主。

注释,注释: 这项研究涉及东欧的发展及其当前的地缘政治地位。 这项政治研究以二战后该地区的发展为例进行。 考虑到东欧的文化、社会、经济和政治方面及其当代发展。 该研究的一个重要部分涉及当前乌克兰危机。 作者描述并将北约在欧洲作用的演变视为乌克兰当前危机的主要原因之一。 作者描述了当前东欧的发展为乌克兰化或巴基斯坦化。 作者认为，乌克兰和欧洲成为美国侵略性政治的人质。 作者还指出，通过吞并克里米亚，莫斯科向我们和欧洲表明，乌克兰是俄罗斯的一个情感之地-与之相连的是历史–文明依恋的纽带-这使得俄罗斯既基督教又欧洲。

关键词: 政治, 危机, 政治, 东欧, 欧洲, 美利坚合众国, 乌克兰, 北约组织, 俄罗斯, 地缘政治。

注释,注释: 本文探讨了里海的国际法律地位问题。 这首先是里海地区和资源的权利问题。 这也是所有里海接壤国家的国家安全问题。 20多年来，这已成为里海五国的一个关键问题。 这项研究的方法是对应该巩固沿海国家海洋边界的多边协定进行法律比较分析。 尽管该条约是作为一项多边协定或宣言提出的,但它最终追求一个明确的目标:确定沿海国家的海洋边界、权利和责任,从而划分里海广泛的自然资源。 结论是，尚未就里海的国际法律地位问题达成一项决议。 《公约》的接受预计将在里海国家领导人第五次首脑会议期间举行,该会议应在哈萨克斯坦举行。 这份多边文件将最终解决一个古老的问题：里海是海还是湖？!

关键词: 里海, 里海, 公约, 公约, 法律地位, 法律地位, 多边条约, 多边条约, 里海国家, 俄罗斯, 里海国家, 阿塞拜疆, 俄罗斯, 哈萨克斯坦, 阿塞拜疆, 土库曼斯坦, 哈萨克斯坦, 土库曼斯坦, 海洋边界, 海洋边界

注释,注释: 这项研究的主题是中亚和高加索后苏联国家的政治制度。 作者对现代政权的类型学问题和衡量政权动态的方法学方面进行了深入的分析。 特别注意所提出的概念的运作和审查经验数据的问题,这些数据可以客观地反映政治制度的性质。 作者声称，这两个参数的测量：精英之间的竞争水平和政治进程中非正式做法的影响程度，代表了对后苏联国家政权形式的最相关评估。 本文综合了两个理论概念. 它提供了在选举和新殖民主义方法基础上发展起来的政治制度的类型学。 通过结合两个基本变量（竞争水平和精英的自主性），确定了六种可能的政权类型：原子化的特殊主义，苏丹主义，新资本主义专制，新资本主义多君主制，制度化的专制主义和制度化的多君主制。 对于所提供的评估制度的标准，作者使用选举统计数据的数据制定了一种运作方法，并对腐败程度进行了索引。 文章介绍了后苏联土库曼斯坦的政权动态，作为对发达类型学的实际实施的示范。

关键词: 政治体制, 类型学, 政治体制, 民主, 类型学, 威权主义, 民主, 政治进程, 威权主义, 后苏联领土, 政治进程, neopatrimonialism碌录潞陆, 后苏联领土, neopatrimonialism碌录潞陆, 中亚地区, 高加索, 土库曼斯坦, 中亚地区, 高加索, 土库曼斯坦

注释,注释: 虽然世界的注意力仍然集中在乌克兰，但克里米亚被描绘成其温床。 难怪这个半岛是黑海剧院的绝对关键部分，黑海舰队对俄罗斯和乌克兰的生存非常重要。 在更大的背景下，它陶醉于历史书籍的旧章节，其中充满了大西洋-中欧和俄罗斯欧洲之间的公开和秘密斗争，以影响和战略深度延伸到称为东欧的操场。 然而，对于这些相同的主角来说，还有另外两个重要的剧院，两者都没有得到充分的报道和更少的阐述。 作者通过对比和比较，对里海和阿提克进行了有趣的描述。 他声称，这两个水高原都是最重要的地缘政治以及地缘经济（生物群，能源，运输）的重要性，里海和北极将大大影响未来任何大型地缘政治战略的激情和

关键词: 政治, 政治, 地缘政治, 里海, 地缘政治, 北极, 里海, 海, 北极, 海, 欧洲, 欧洲, 亚洲, 国际关系, 亚洲, 国家, 国际关系, 国家, 相似之处, 相似之处

注释,注释: 文章致力于通过间接行动策略和"操作混乱"技术来分析政治空间工具的格式，以便在后苏联空间和近东地区组织"有色革命"。 21世纪初的特点是，国家机构的稳定严重依赖于应用信息网络技术摧毁国家基础，使其能够在不使用武装部队的情况下以国家社会政治制度的转变方式解决政治问题，并仅通过对其人民的道德和心理状况的影响来破坏其经济潜力。 研究的方法论基础构成了系统的，结构功能的，比较历史的，比较政治的，地缘政治的，文化和文明的方法，分析的方法，综合，归纳，演绎，建模，观察。 全球化的主要特点是信息技术和社会网络的快速发展和传播，成为人们传播不同信息的有利环境，在经济和政治问题严重的国家发起抗议运动中发挥着重要作用

关键词: 彩色革命, 彩色革命, 软力, 软力, 国家实体销毁, 国家实体销毁, 策略, 策略, 间接行动, 间接行动, 冲突, 冲突, 利益, 利益, 国家, 国家, 美国, 美国, 软实力, 软实力

注释,注释: 全球经济危机已经成为欧盟历史上最大的挑战之一：它已经打了一个问号，不仅从经济，而且从政治角度来看，欧洲项目的相关性。 在当前条件下，欧盟面临双重挑战：行动者不仅必须摆脱危机，还应该恢复其形象，获得本国公民的信任，并使他们相信欧洲项目面临乐观的未来。 为了实现这些目标，有必要建立一个有效的通信系统，旨在恢复欧洲公民（内部通信）对欧洲项目的信任，以及提高欧盟作为全球政治和经济行为者（外部通信）的声誉资本。目前的文章考察了欧洲形象话语的组成部分，包括危机情况下可能的形象话语转换的方式，并提出了建立危机反应模型的理论方法，旨在恢复欧盟内部和外部形象。 欧洲形象的结构分析、欧盟形象的话语分析及其在危机形势下的转变过程。 欧盟的关键任务之一是使危机情况下的形象话语转换过程易于管理。 为了实现这一目标，欧盟应该发展一个灵活和全面的内部和外部通信系统，这将有可能最大限度地减少危机的破坏性影响，并保持目标受众（欧盟公民和

关键词: 危机沟通, 危机沟通, 形象话语, 形象话语, 欧洲形象叙事, 危机应对模式, 欧洲形象叙事, 危机应对模式, 经济危机, 经济危机, 欧盟, 欧盟, 欧洲价值观, 欧洲价值观, 内部沟通政策, 内部沟通政策, 对外沟通政策, 对外沟通政策, 欧洲交际空间。, 欧洲交际空间。

注释,注释: 大约20年前，最恶劣的种族灭绝事件发生在距离布鲁塞尔仅一小时的航班上。 那一次，与1914年不同的暗杀事件笼罩着萨拉热窝。 当大规模的欧洲无知将波斯尼亚（以及不同民族联盟–南斯拉夫）变成一个长达数年的屠宰场时，马斯特里赫特的梦想正在统一旧大陆的威斯特伐利亚世 二十年后的今天，大西洋欧洲是一个政治强国（拥有三个欧洲核大国中的两个，以及联合国安理会五个常任理事国中的两个，P–5），中欧是一个经济强国，俄罗斯语欧洲是一个能源强国，斯堪的纳维亚欧洲是其中之一，而东欧则不是其中之一。 难怪一旦出现严重的外部或内部安全挑战，真正的历史性欧洲的复合部分就会再次浮出水面。 以前在伊拉克（法国除外），现在与利比亚，苏丹，马里和叙利亚;中欧犹豫不决，大西洋欧洲急切，斯堪的纳维亚欧洲缺席，东欧正在bandwagoning，俄罗斯语欧洲正在反对。 欧洲是否改变了（在它自己的11/9之后），或者它只是变得更加自己？

关键词: 欧洲, 欧洲, 种族灭绝, 种族灭绝, 波斯尼亚, 波斯尼亚, 1914年6月, 1914年6月, 统一, 威斯特伐利亚, 9/11, 地缘政治, 统一, 威斯特伐利亚, 9/11, 地缘政治, 文明, 文明, 萨拉热窝。, 萨拉热窝。

注释,注释: 一篇文章致力于新的地缘政治概念，建立在V.Stepin的后非经典概念思想，H.Haken的自组织系统理论，S.Mann的"控制混乱"技术和作者对现代地缘政治趋势的协同视 国际社会已经进入了一个永久危机的时代，现在被称为后现代文明的系统危机。 中东和北非革命期间指定的社会政治倾向，后苏联空间的一系列"颜色"革命和俄罗斯反对派的抗议行动，提出了一个研究现代世界政治转型过程的新工具包的实际问题。 在这种情况下，今天的问题仍然不仅是州际关系的问题，而且是在全球化世界中紧密联系的国家内部的情况。 在中亚、近东、中东和非洲大陆大片领土的领土、人口、宗教、生态、粮食和水问题恶化的背景下，采用"控制混乱"技术、"软实力"战略和"间接行动"。

关键词: 国际关系, 地缘政治, 第三波, 协同效应;协同效应, 概念, 经典地缘政治, 后非经典地缘政治, 社会政治制度, 非经典地缘政治, 联合国。

注释,注释: 今天，世界的注意力集中在乌克兰的事件。 残酷和不妥协的斗争在如此短的时间内从流氓和警察在有组织的武装叛乱中的单独冲突中长满–不能忽视-邻国首都的街头战斗，斯拉夫人民的代表在历史上与俄罗斯人民有着千丝万缕的联系，不能不扰乱公众，政府和俄罗斯联邦的领导层。 乌克兰民族主义者平衡在冲击攻击的边缘把代理政府的事件称为"革命"，尽管事实上它只能被认为是一场政变，武装叛乱夺取政权，在当今世界众所周知的共同标题下"颜色革命"。 这不仅仅是一个随机的结论：在乌克兰事件中，我们可以看到我们所有人在独联体、格鲁吉亚、中亚的颜色革命中遇到过的迹象，在两千开始时在乌克兰蔓延的橙色疯狂中，以及在最近的阿拉伯之春革命中。

关键词: 国际安全, 国际关系, 政治冲突, 国际安全, 冲突管理技术, 政治冲突, 冲突管理模型, 冲突管理技术, 冲突管理模型, 心理操作, 心理操作, 信息战, 信息战, 政治,政治, 政治,政治, 利益, 利益, 联合国。, 联合国。

注释,注释: 文章的主题是在政治完整性和相关政治制度的背景下研究政治的创新方法的范式。 这是一个范式，定义了政治研究的性质和方向。 它的内容和结论是基于对政治现实结构的研究。 这项研究的目的是发现这一现实的组成部分，并提供对其细节和目的的理解，以及它们的相互联系和相互依赖。 因此，我们就进一步分析政治现实的系统要素，对现有政治知识的未来系统化以及理论发展的要求提供了结论。研究方法的基础是了解不同类型政治的本质和存在，以及政治在社会中的地位和作用。 这种方法包括许多想法。 其中之一是政治被认为是一种特定的公共活动，它是由社会管理创造的，作为社会管理的一部分发挥作用，并在社会管理中发挥主导作用。 政治所起的主导作用是确定行政活动的方向，这影响着社会管理本身和管理工具的活动。 另一个重要的问题是分析特定类型的政治如何就其本质来发展政治制度。 这是指政府政策，作为政府结构中的一个独立组成部分，在对任何政治现实进行研究时都是一个重要问题。 这是一个政府在很长一段时间内发展起来的政治因素,因此,今天,它的特点是高度复杂和发展。 正是在这种背景下，某些政治规律得到了承认和解释。 因此，政府政策作为一种管理工具，为任何政治研究提供了根本的支持。 第三个想法涉及政治结构的发展，这影响了政治分析的方向。 一个众所周知的事实是，将整个实体划分为部分，并研究单独的元素，是学习任何事物的普遍原则。 这是许多不同科学中使用的原则;其重要性已在研究中反复证明。 这是解释政治现实结构的基础的原则，最重要的是，它定义了政治理论发展的逻辑，因此也是整个政治研究的逻辑。 将政治（即政治现实）划分为单独的组成部分是一种独特的哲学技术，为理解政治创造了必要条件，并因此有助于政治知识的进一步系统化。这项研究的创新之处在于它揭示了政治现实的结构，这种结构以独立但相互联系的政治体系为代表。 政治制度将政治现实分为其组成部分，这些组成部分是统一的，直接联系和关联的，但也是彼此不同的。对政治制度的分析认识到政治现实的三个要素，这些要素与最常见的政治现象有关，并因其内容而代表方法。 这些是：政治生活，政治影响力和政治文化。政治生活与政治的独立性有关;它是政治有机体功能的一部分。 没有其有机体的功能，政治就不可能存在并实现其目的。 因此，政治生活与任何生活一样，都与政治有机体有关。 政治生活可以被定义为基于政治有机体功能的政治现实的一个方面。 事实上，政治生活的本质与相关政治有机体的结构相关联，并由有机体的组成部分定义。 例如，在民主政权下，政治生活首先包括一些政治关系，首先是政府和反对派之间的关系，这是政治有机体的基本组成部分。 政治生活也包括构成这个有机体系统（政治体制）的相互联系。 政治生活的目的，作为政治现实的一个组成部分，包括为形成多元文化提供媒介。 根据政治生活的存在和功能，做出决定，从而为政治在社会管理体系中的作用创造条件，即政治影响的形成。 这是它在政治结构中的具体作用。政治现实的另一个方面是政治影响，它与社会管理工具的政治目的有关。 与政治生活不同，政治影响力受到政治整体使命的影响。 政治影响源于政府决议的通过，涉及到这样一个事实，即通过这些决议，确定了行政行动和管理的全部实质。 政治影响力是政治现实的一个组成部分，它决定了行政活动的方向。政治影响作为一个术语，作为一个实体，在政治研究中没有被研究过，这就是为什么它需要特别考虑的原因。 它吞噬了这种影响的工具和方向,并通过诸如政治制度和政治进程等更频繁的现象得到承认。 在确定行政活动的方向时，政治影响是社会管理的主要工具，也是系统内其他职能所依赖的工具。 由于政治影响所起的作用，它被定性为政治现实的主要类型。政治结构的另一个要素是政治文化，它影响政治权力的使用方式，从而影响政治生活和政治影响力的实施方式。 基本上，这是指通过使用政治权力的手段来确定的执行顺序，并以通过政府决议的议定书为代表。 政治文化是政治现实的一个方面，与通过政府决议的规则有关。 政治现实的这一方面可以被定性为技术。政治现实的上述每个要素的本质都是通过其他更具体的政治要素的组合来定义的，这些政治要素共同构成特定的群体。 这些要素中的每一个都只与"自己"的政治要素群体有关。 政治生活作为影响的功能而发展，包括政治关系和政治制度，这些影响是政治有机体功能的特征。 政治影响是通过政治制度和政治进程来实现的,这些制度和政治进程确定了工具及其影响手段。 最后，政治文化的定义是使用政治权力的手段，并以通过政府决议的议定书为代表。 例如，民主政治文化与通过基于多数原则的投票通过政府决议有关。 因此，人们注意到，新的研究范式可以用于政治学的许多方面的研究，这些方面是政治知识的基础。 新范式也为它们之间建立关系和等级奠定了基础。

关键词: 政治, 政治学, 政治理论, 范式, 政治现实, 政治诚信, 政治结构, 政治生活, 政治影响力, 政治文化。

注释,注释: 该条证实了对"政治活动"一词的立法定义的必要性及其存在以及在俄罗斯联邦立法中执行该词的法律理由。有人提请注意1996年1月12日第7-FZ号"关于非商业实体"的经修订的俄罗斯联邦法律中界定政治活动的缺点。 作者认为，有必要改变界定政治活动意义程度的方式，并建议首先包括政治人物和其他在政治关系中的行为具有专业性质的人的活动。 这些人必须作为其具体管理者反映在俄罗斯联邦关于政治活动的法律中。 这得到了俄罗斯一些政治人物的支持。 文章中提供了有关美国和英国政治活动法律规定的事实和信息。提交人全面界定了政治活动及其推理，陈述了政治活动的一般类型，并提供了与执行法律制度有关的条例。 他们建议在俄罗斯的游说活动合法化，因为这是一个非常重要的类型。activity.It 有人指出，对选举的监督仅由选举法和选民行为的专业人员执行;通过冲突管理，他们可以优化俄罗斯的选举过程，但为了做到这一点，必须为这些人提供政这篇文章是使用了大量的监管文件和其他信息来源编写的。 作为研究方法，作者使用：（a）审查监管和法律文书和法律文献;（b）对俄罗斯和其他国家的政治关系规定进行法律评估。提交人就"政治活动"一词的定义、其含义的范围和执行"政治活动"一词的法律依据提出的建议是合理的,可以在俄罗斯联邦的立法过程中使用。

关键词: 俄罗斯联邦, 俄罗斯联邦, 政治活动, 立法定义, 法律地位, 立法机关, 政治活动, 政治管理, 议会, 立法定义, 法律地位, 立法机关, 政治领袖, 政治管理, 政府官员, 议会, 政治领袖, 政府官员, 政治责任, 政治责任